Honduras: Septiembre 22/23

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Honduras: 22 Septiembre

•Septiembre 22, 2009 • Dejar un comentario (Editar)

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Reuters Septiembre 22, 2009

Las fuerzas de seguridad acordonan

la Embajada de Brasil en Honduras

La policía hondureña desaloja a la fuerza a los simpatizantes de Zelaya fuera de la sede diplomática brasileña donde está refugiado el presidente depuesto.- Hay 150 detenidos.- Lula pide que se respete su Embajada.- Micheletti dice que no entrará a la fuerza

AGENCIAS / ELPAÍS.com – Tegucigalpa / Nueva York – 23/09/2009

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Las fuerzas de seguridad hondureñas mantienen cercada la Embajada brasileña en Tegucigalpa para evitar que se reúnan de nuevo los simpatizantes del presidente depuesto Manuel Zelaya, que se encuentra refugiado en esa sede diplomática desde su regreso por sorpresa al país el pasado lunes, tras ser desalojados violentamente este martes. El presidente de facto, Roberto Micheletti, ha asegurado en declaraciones a la agencia Reuters que no tiene intenciones de enfrentarse a Brasil o de entrar a la fuerza en su sede diplomática. El político ha dicho que Zelaya puede quedarse en la Embajada “cinco o 10 años” si quiere, pero le urge a que se entregue para que afronte los cargos que se le imputan de corrupción y violación de la Constitución.

Reuters Septiembre 22, 2009

La policía ha dispersado con gases lacrimógenos a centenares de seguidores del depuesto presidente de Honduras, Manuel Zelaya, que estaban apostados cerca de la embajada de Brasil en Tegucigalpa, donde se han producido algunos disturbios. Uno de los seguidores de Zelaya pedia ayuda a las fuerzas extranjeras. “Pedimos ayuda a las fuerzas extranjeras para sacar a los golpistas. Nos están reprimiendo.” Desde la embajada de Brasil, el presidente depuesto llamó a los hondureños a acudir a protegerlo y dijo que había regresado para buscar una salida dialogada a la crisis política que se abrió el pasado 28 de junio, cuando una asonada militar le apartó del poder y le expulsó del país. –

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La noticia en otros webs

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Reuters Septiembre 22, 2009

Las declaraciones de Micheletti son su respuesta a la petición del presidente de Brasil, Luis Inácio Lula da Silva, que ha pedido al Gobierno hondureño que respete su sede diplomática en ese país. Lula, que asiste en Nueva York a la reunión de Naciones Unidas, donde ha pedido una reunión internacional de urgencia para tratar el conflicto, ha afirmado que Brasil está garantizando el derecho del presidente Zelaya de buscar refugio en su Embajada y ha hecho un llamamiento a Micheletti para que abra la vía de la negociación y así buscar una salida a la crisis. Hacemos “lo que cualquier país democrático haría”, ha dicho Lula a los periodistas. El mandatario brasileño también ha apelado a Zelaya para que se mantenga tranquilo y no dé argumentos a las autoridades golpistas para una violación de su legación. Zelaya, por su parte, ha asegurado que no pretende pedir asilo político a Brasil, sino sólo “protección”.

Micheletti había pedido a Brasil que diera asilo al mandatario depuesto en un golpe de Estado el pasado 28 de junio o que lo entregara a las autoridades hondureñas. Según el Gobierno golpista, la presencia policial en las afueras de la Embajada es como precaución para que no se reagrupen los simpatizantes de Zelaya. Sin embargo, fuentes cercanas a Zelaya afirman que dentro de la sede diplomática hay entre dos y tres centenares de personas, y que les han cortado la electricidad y agua. La presión viene por todas partes.

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Reuters Septiembre 22, 2009

Micheletti, en un mensaje que leyó en la Casa Presidencial emitido por televisión, ha afirmado que “el Estado de Honduras está comprometido a respetar los derechos del señor Zelaya al debido proceso”, insistiendo en que el ex mandatario pretende “continuar obstaculizando la celebración de las elecciones el próximo 29 de noviembre, como lo han venido haciendo él y sus seguidores desde hace varias semanas”.

A primera hora de este martes, las fuerzas de seguridad hondureñas, apoyados con tanquetas que disparan agua a presión, gases lacrimógenos y balas de goma, dispersaron a los cientos de manifestantes concentrados ante la Embajada de Brasil en Tegucigalpa en respaldo de Zelaya. Una testigo dijo a EL PAÍS vía telefónica que cientos de policías, apoyados por efectivos militares, se presentaron a las 7.00 hora de Honduras (15.00 hora española) y desalojaron con violencia a los partidarios de Zelaya. “Estábamos tranquilos, cantando, cuando vinieron y nos desalojaron violentamente”, ha contado Jaqueline Espinal.

Espinal ha explicado también que los congregados, muchos provenientes del interior del país, salieron huyendo. “No estábamos haciendo nada malo, esta gente no quiere el diálogo”, dijo con voz nerviosa. Asegura que las fuerzas de seguridad han rodeado la sede diplomática que ha facilitado el refugio al presidente depuesto, que se mantiene dentro de la legación. Zelaya, posteriormente en declaraciones a Caracol Radio de Colombia, ha dicho que está “en peligro” y que las fuerzas de seguridad han rodeado completamente la Embajada.

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Reuters Septiembre 22, 2009

“La sangre está corriendo” en Honduras “desde el día del golpe de Estado”, pero “esta batalla sabemos que tenemos que ganarla de cualquier manera”, declaró Zelaya. La policía ha informado de que han sido detenidas unas 150 personas por los disturbios generados durante el desalojo y por no acatar el toque de queda.

La UE llama a la calma

Los sucesos ocurrieron después del llamamiento de la Unión Europea (UE), que ha urgido a Zelaya y al gobernante de facto del país centroamericano a “abstenerse de toda acción que pueda incrementar la tensión y la violencia”. La UE subraya la importancia de la solución negociada después de que Zelaya, que regresó por sorpresa el lunes a Tegucigalpa y se refugió en la Embajada de Brasil, advirtió de que nadie le volverá a sacar de su país y el Gobierno interino decretó el toque de queda.

En una breve declaración difundida en nombre de los Veintisiete, la presidencia sueca de la UE ha expresado su “firme apoyo” a los esfuerzos realizados por la Organización de Estados Americanos (OEA) y, en particular, por su secretario general, José Miguel Insulza, para “facilitar el diálogo y la restauración del orden constitucional en Honduras”.

La UE no quiere que se repitan los episodios de violencia que siguieron al golpe de Estado que se dio el pasado mes de junio. El derrocado presidente de Honduras ha asegurado que su regreso a Honduras es definitivo y que su consigna seguirá siendo “patria, restitución o muerte”. Así lo expresó ante cientos de sus seguidores congregados frente a la legación diplomática.

Insulza ha hecho un “llamamiento a la calma a los actores involucrados en este proceso” para evitar que se produzcan incidentes violentos y exige que las “autoridades del Gobierno de facto se hagan responsables de la seguridad del mandatario derrocado.

Toque de queda

El Ejecutivo de Micheletti decretó el lunes el toque de queda en todo el territorio nacional para “conservar la calma”. Además, anunció el cierre de los cuatro aeropuertos internacionales que tiene el país a partir de este martes, que quedan bajo control del Ejército.

Zelaya, derrocado por un golpe de Estado el pasado 28 de junio, asegura que ha vuelto para encontrar una salida pacífica a la crisis política desencadenada tras su derrocamiento. “Estoy aquí en Tegucigalpa. Estoy aquí para la restauración de la democracia, para llamar al diálogo”, dijo en declaraciones recogidas por medios locales.

El ex dirigente, que agradeció públicamente al presidente Lula su apoyo al darle refugio en la Embajada, ha revelado que llegó a Honduras desde Nicaragua, país donde ha pasado la mayor parte del tiempo desde que fue derrocado en junio. Según ha relatado, su travesía duró más de 15 horas y tuvo que utilizar “diferentes transportes” para poder llegar a su país. “Tuve colaboración pero no puedo decirlo para que no molesten a nadie”, ha explicado.

Zelaya ya había intentado retornar en dos ocasiones a Honduras. En la primera, el 5 de julio, quiso aterrizar en Tegucigalpa en un avión del Gobierno venezolano procedente de Washington, pero se lo impidieron los militares, que obstaculizaron la pista de aterrizaje en medio de una gran manifestación en favor de Zelaya. En la segunda, el 24 de julio, por tierra desde Nicaragua a través del puesto fronterizo de Las Manos, tras permanecer dos horas en la zona neutral, regresó ante la presencia de contingentes militares en el lado hondureño con la orden de detenerle.

Cronología de la crisis

– 24 de marzo. Zelaya convoca para junio un referéndum sobre una reforma constitucional que permitiría su reelección.

– 20 de mayo. El presidente del Congreso, Roberto Micheletti, denuncia un plan para asesinarlo y acusa a Zelaya de pretender perpetuarse en el poder.

– 29 de mayo. Las elecciones son convocadas para el 29 de noviembre.

– 24 de junio. Cuatro días antes de que se celebre la consulta, Zelaya destituye al más alto jefe militar, Romeo Vásquez, por su negativa a instalar las urnas.

– 25 de junio. La Corte Suprema ordena la restitución de Vásquez.

– 28 de junio. Unos soldados detienen a Zelaya de madrugada en la casa presidencial y lo trasladan, en pijama, a Costa Rica. El Congreso designa a Micheletti como presidente interino.

– 30 de junio. La Asamblea General de la ONU pide a sus 192 miembros que sólo reconozcan al Gobierno de Zelaya.

– 1 de julio. La Organización de Estados Americanos (OEA) da al Gobierno de hecho 72 horas para restablecer la democracia, a lo que se niega y asegura que Zelaya será detenido si regresa al país.

– 4 de julio. La OEA suspende a Honduras, una sanción que influye en el otorgamiento de créditos internacionales.

– 5 de julio. El Gobierno de hecho impide el aterrizaje en el aeropuerto de Tegucigalpa de una aeronave en la que viajaba Zelaya. Un hombre muere de un tiro en los enfrentamientos entre el Ejército y seguidores de Zelaya.

– 7 de julio. Zelaya y Micheletti aceptan la mediación de Óscar Arias, presidente

de Costa Rica, en el conflicto.

– 8 de julio. Estados Unidos suspende temporalmente la ayuda no humanitaria.

– 20 de julio. La UE suspende la ayuda presupuestada a Honduras.

– 24 de julio. Zelaya llega a la frontera de Honduras y Nicaragua y permanece dos horas en zona neutral.

– 1 de agosto. El Gobierno de hecho levanta el toque de queda.

– 11 de agosto. España suspende un acuerdo militar con Honduras.

– 31 de agosto. Comienza la campaña electoral en Honduras.

– 3 de septiembre. Estados Unidos endurece las sanciones y bloquea con carácter permanente el envío de ayuda no humanitaria.

– 22 de septiembre. Zelaya regresa a Honduras y se refugia en la Embajada brasileña.

Detenido un español en los disturbios

El comisionado de la policía hondurena, Daniel Orellana, ha informado de la detención de un español, Antonio Porta Alvarez, de 41 anos, y vecino de Madrid, por atacar un coche patrulla. Ya está a disposicion de la fiscalía y ha sido informada la Embajada española.

PABLO ORDAZ

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Comentarios – 437

Página 1 de 88

  • 437Arturo Garza – 23-09-2009 – 00:53:35hHay un antecedente que hay que recordar y que puede ocurrir nuevamente, en 1980 el Gobierno de Guatemala invadió la embajada de España, masacró a unos campesinos y asesinoó a varias personalidades y miembros del cuerpo diplomático. Se recuerda con honra a Del Arbol.
  • 436Gladis Hortencia Molina – 23-09-2009 – 00:53:31hya no aguantamos a Gorilety en Honduras por favor ayudennos pueblos amigos, nos estan matand poco a poco no aguantamos laepresion, toques de queda y mas violaciones a nuestros derechoscomo hondureños
  • 435Hector Chavez – 23-09-2009 – 00:51:42hComo es posble que ninguno de estos peridicos los mejores de España no publique el aspecto de corrupción del gobierno del el Presidente Jose Manuel Zelaya. Porque lo ignoran, sacarlo a la fuerza fue un error , pero ignora sus actos anteriores es otro error o un error aregla otro ?
  • 434El pueblo para el pueblo – 23-09-2009 – 00:47:13h¿Nadie a pensado que los problemas se resolverían con un tiro a Zelaya?, ¿que se habría conseguido? ¿un nuevo martir?, ¿acaso Lula haría algo una vez desaparecido Zelaya?, me parece que se está jugando con fuego y todos están poniendo cerillas, gasolina y papeles, al final el perdedor será como siempre el pueblo, ya que todos los demas dirigentes que se están dando golpes de pecho, estarán comodamente sentados en sus sillones viendo pasar el acontecer del país.
  • 433José Ovalle – 23-09-2009 – 00:43:54hMayor cinismo imposible! No entrarán por la fuerza y pueden estar 10 años…Pero por otra parte cortan los servicios fundamentales y mantienen sitiada la embajada. Asi reaccionaron las fuerzas fascistas enloquecidas que mantuvieron rodeada la embajada de Cuba en Caracas durante el efímero golpe de estado en Venezuela en abril de 2002. Incluso uno de estos fanáticos gritaba en declaraciones a un canal de televisión cómplice del golpe que las personas que permanecían dentro de la delagación se tendrían que comer las alfombras porque no les permitirían el ingreso de alimentos. Cualquier parecido es pura coincidencia!

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The Road to Zelaya’s Return: Money, Guns and Social Movements in Honduras

Tuesday 22 September 2009

by: Benjamin Dangl, t r u t h o u t | News Analysis

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Manuel Zelaya speaks to the press. (Photo: Carlos in DC / Picasa)

Nearly three months after being overthrown by a violent military coup, Honduran President Manuel Zelaya has returned to Honduras. “I am here in Tegucigalpa. I am here for the restoration of democracy, to call for dialogue,” he told reporters. The embattled road to his return tested regional diplomacy, challenged Washington and galvanized Honduran social movements.

During a recent beach-side interview, with tropical breezes blowing along a sandy shore in the background, Honduran coup leader Roberto Micheletti told a Fox News reporter, “This is a quiet country, and a happy country.”[1] However, since Micheletti took over on June 28, Honduras has been anything but quiet and content.

Micheletti’s de facto regime has ruled the country with an iron fist while popular movements for democracy have gained steam with nearly constant strikes, road blockades and massive street protests. The coup inspired a movement that is now seeking more than just the reinstatement of Zelaya, but the transformation of the country through a new Constitution. Micheletti says presidential elections in November will proceed as planned, though few Hondurans, governments and international institutions say they will recognize the results given the violent situation in the country.

At least 11 anti-coup activists have been killed since Zelaya was ousted.[2] Following the coup, approximately 1,500 people have been jailed for political purposes, and many Zelaya supporters have been beaten.[3] Via Campesina offices have been attacked, and the Feminists of Honduras in Resistance said that there have been 19 documented cases of rape by police officers since the coup took place.[4] The newspaper El Tiempo reported that armed groups in Colombia have been recruiting demobilized paramilitaries for mercenary work in Honduras. Honduras business leaders are hiring these paramilitaries for their own private security.[5]

Though Zelaya was a relatively moderate president, his policies challenged the elite enough to inspire a right wing coup. While in office, he passed a 60 percent increase in minimum wage, bringing income up from around $6 a day to $9.60 a day.[6] Zelaya also gave subsidies to small farmers, cut bank interest rates and reduced poverty.[7] Salvador Zuniga, a leader of the Civic Council of Popular and Indigenous Organizations of Honduras (COPINH) said, “One of the things that provoked the coup d’etat was that the president accepted a petition from the feminist movement regarding the day-after pill. Opus Dei mobilized, the fundamentalist evangelical churches mobilized, along with all the reactionary groups.”[8]

“Maybe he made mistakes,” Honduran school teacher Hedme Castro said of Zelaya, “but he always erred on the side of the poor. That is why they will fight to the end for him.” She continued, “This is not about President Zelaya. This is about my country. Many people gave their lives so that we could have a democracy. And we cannot let a group of elites take that away.”[9]

Ignoring the relevance of the Organization of American States, US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton called on Zelaya and Micheletti to meet with Costa Rican President Oscar Arias to work out a solution to the crisis. Many believe Clinton made the move to impose conditions on Zelaya’s return and kill time as the November elections neared. Zelaya has accepted Arias’ proposed solution, which entails his return to the presidency with limited powers, plus amnesty for those who have committed political crimes in the country. Micheletti rejected the Arias’ solution.[10]

While repression of anti-coup activists increases, so does the movement for democracy in Honduras. This broad coalition of activists has the support of many of the governments in the hemisphere, and has the backing of the country’s 1982 Constitution, which explains, “No one owes obedience to a government which usurps power nor those who assume public functions or employment through the use of arms…. The people [of this country] have the right to recur to insurrection in defense of constitutional order.”[11] This insurrection is taking place right now.

Voices of the Resistance in Honduras

Protests, strikes and road blockades have been going on in the country almost daily since Zelaya was ousted. Many of the interviews with activists participating in these protests offer insight into the relationship between Zelaya and the movement, and what might lie ahead for the country.

“This struggle is peaceful, organized, and is not getting desperate. The coup leaders are getting desperate – they haven’t been able to govern a single day in tranquility and we will defeat them,” said Israel Salinas, a leader of the National Front Against the Coup in Honduras and member of the Unified Confederation of Honduran Workers.[12]

Honduran women’s rights activist Marielena spoke of the current reality under the Micheletti regime, “Today’s not the same as the ’80s because there’s a popular movement that the coup leaders never imagined … What Zelaya has done is symbolize the popular discontent accumulated over the years.”[13]

Bertha Cáceres, a leader of COPINH, the Front Against the Coup, and a mother of four children, spoke of the importance of the constituent assembly to rewrite the country’s Constitution. It was partly this push for constitutional reform, which Zelaya backed along with broad support from the Honduran people, that led to the coup. When speaking of the assembly, Cáceres says, “For the first time we would be able to establish a precedent for the emancipation of women, to begin to break these forms of domination. The current constitution never mentions women, not once, so to establish our human rights, our reproductive, sexual, political, social, and economic rights as women would be to really confront this system of domination.”[14]

Cáceres discussed the work of the women’s movement for the new Constitution “to dismantle this belief that others have the right to make decisions about our bodies, to start guaranteeing that women are the owners and have autonomous rights to their bodies. It is a political act; a political proposal…. The ability to have and guarantee access to land, territories, cultures, health, education, art, dignified and decent employment for women, and many other things, are elements that we must guarantee in this process of a new constitutional assembly that leads to a real process of liberation.”[15]

Gilberto Rios, from the Front Against the Coup spoke of how the coup has galvanized a broad movement in the country. “In the past, when we called for people to protest in the streets, they came out, but not in the same numbers as what is happening now. In recent days, we have had protests that start in the morning and stay in the streets all day. At night, there are convoys of cars in major cities. It shows that the workers are participating, and the middle class is also coming out.” He also affirmed that the movement is entirely grassroots. “The leftist political parties recognize they do not control any part of the popular movement.”[16]

Leticia Salomón, the director of Scientific Research for the National Autonomous University of Honduras said, “It doesn’t matter who wins the elections in November, the next government will have to deal with this important social force if it hopes to even minimally govern the country.”[17]

World Isolates Coup Regime

At the North American Leaders’ Summit in Mexico in August, President Barack Obama said, “Critics who say that the United States has not intervened enough in Honduras are the same people who say that we’re always intervening and the Yankees need to get out of Latin America. You can’t have it both ways.”[18] But as New York University history Professor and author Greg Grandin points out, all many are asking is for the US to act multilaterally with the OAS – it did the opposite by defying the OAS and appointing Arias as the mediator between Micheletti and Zelaya. In addition, through its financial support to the regime, the US has been far from taking a neutral stance.[19] Indeed, Washington has been acting unilaterally since the beginning by not refusing to follow the lead of other nations in putting more pressure on the coup government.[20]

However, US State Department spokesman Ian Kelly said on September 3, “At this moment, we would not be able to support the outcome of the [November] elections [in Honduras].”[21] Zelaya was happy to hear this news from Washington. He said the move “puts the United States in line with Latin America, because it was not said before.”[22]

In addition to the US, the EU, the OAS, union leaders in Honduras and members of the Front Against the Coup say they will not recognize the election results.[23] Honduras business owners have devised their own plan to increase voting; they’ll be giving discounts to everyone who casts a ballot and then comes into their business with ink on their fingers, showing that they’ve voted.[24]

The US State Department did end up revoking the US visas of over a dozen officials in the coup government, including Micheletti.[25] But the US could go further by blocking members of the regime from using US banks.[26]

Various levels of funding to Honduras from the US and other governments and institutions have been cut since the coup took place. “On September 3, the State Department announced the termination of 33 million dollars, including $11 million in Millennium Challenge Funds and approximately $22 million in State Department funds,” according to Latin American analyst Laura Carlsen. The IMF said that due to the coup, Honduras won’t have access to $150 million in assistance.[27] A spokesperson from the IMF said the institution cut off all aid to the country three days after the coup.[28]

On July 2, the US cut the following spending: $1.9 million from the US Agency for International Development (USAID) and $16.5 million in military funding.[29] The Inter-American Development Bank and the Central American Bank of Economic Integration all cut lending to the Honduran government.[30] The UN has cut off various forms of aid to Honduras.[31] In addition, the EU froze $92 million in aid and the OAS froze aid and began trade blocks against the coup government.[32]

However, “For legalistic reasons, [the US State Department] continued to fall short of calling the coup a ‘military’ coup,” explained Adam Isacson of the Center for International Policy. “This means that some anti-poverty aid is being maintained, soldiers whose training was already paid for won’t be sent back to Honduras, and State can flexibly restore aid once democracy returns.”[33]

“State Department officials closed the door on determining legally that a military coup took place in Honduras and requiring application of Section 7008 of the Foreign Operations law,” Carlsen explained.

“They assured reporters that all funds that could be suspended under Section 7008 have now been suspended … The State Department has admitted that $70 million in aid – over twice the amount suspended – will still flow to the coup.”[34]

The Kansas City-based Cross-Border Network went on a delegation to Honduras after the coup and reported, “We met the U.S Ambassador who agreed it was a military coup even though the State Department won’t call it that, thus invoking the law requiring cut off of all remaining aid.”[35]

Declaring the coup a coup, according to Grandin, “would automatically trigger certain cutoffs, financial cutoffs, it also would have to be certified by Congress. And that’s a fight that I think Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton don’t want, because the Republicans, led by Connie Mack and other foreign policy conservatives, regime change conservatives, Republicans, have seized on this issue to basically try to link Obama with Hugo Chavez and the Latin American left. And they certainly don’t want to kick it into Congress, where it’ll be debated, because to call it a coup would have to be certified by Congress.”[36]

But the Obama administration needs to understand that what’s at stake is more important than winning a political fight in Washington. The future of a nation, and perhaps the entire region, hangs in the balance.

“The true significance of the coup, in one of the poorest and weakest countries in the hemisphere … lies in the test it poses to the inter-American system,” says Jorge Heine of the Balsillie School of International Affairs. “If the latter cannot succeed in restoring democracy in Honduras, it cannot do so anywhere. The message would thus be crystal clear: coup-makers can act with impunity.”[37]

Washington’s Ties to the Coup

Washington has played a bloody role in Central America for years and this coup carries on that legacy while setting some new precedents. Fernando “Billy” Joya has returned to the stage in Honduras as Micheletti’s security adviser after serving in Battalion 316 in the 1980s, according to Grandin. Battalion 316 was a paramilitary unit that disappeared hundreds of people.[38] Joya was trained in Chile under the Pinochet dictatorship by Chilean police, and his Battalion 316 was created by the CIA to apply the repressive techniques used against “subversives” in Argentina and Chile.[39]

In 1981, John Negroponte arrived in Honduras as the US ambassador. While there, the military budget in the country rose from $3.6 million in 1981 to $77.8 million in 1985 “when his mission was completed – having created the Contras in Nicaragua and protected the El Salvadoran dictatorship,” according to Honduras-based reporter Dick Emanuelsson.[40] Negroponte met with Micheletti before the June 28 coup on a trip made primarily to convince Zelaya not to transform a US airbase in Palmerola, Honduras, into an airport for civilians.[41]

Venezuelan Robert Carmona-Borjas has also joined the coup government in Honduras. He was involved in the attempted coup against President Hugo Chavez in Venezuela in 2002. Carmona-Borjas’ Arcadio Foundation began a media campaign against Zelaya in 2007.[42]

Lanny Davis, a lawyer to Bill Clinton and campaign adviser to Hillary Clinton, has been lobbying in Washington for Honduran coup leaders and elites. Some of the businesses that support the coup in Honduras that Davis is representing in DC are US companies such as Russell, Fruit of the Loom and Hanes – all of which have benefited from the low wages, neoliberal policies and crackdowns on union rights in the country.[43] Davis recently testified before Congress on behalf of the coup leaders and backers, and has helped to get media on the coup’s side.[44]

The week before the coup, former Assistant Secretary of State for Western Hemispheric Affairs Thomas Shannon and Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Craig Kelly met with Honduran figures that ended up participating in the coup.[45] Days before the coup took place, John McCain and leaders from the International Republican Institute, invited future leaders of the coup to meetings in Washington.[46]

US businesses also hold a considerable amount of weight in the country: In 2006, 70 percent of exports from Honduras went to the US, and 52 percent of imports were from the US. That same year, US investments in the country totaled more than $568 million, two thirds of foreign investment.[47]

A Movement Larger Than Zelaya

Just as the coup may change the geopolitical landscape of the region, the grassroots fervor in Honduras will likely alter the country forever. And that might be Micheletti’s legacy – that in ousting a moderate president, he inspired a revolution.

When trying to break the political impasse Honduras finds itself in, Zelaya admits that much depends on the anti-coup movement of Honduras. “This movement is now very strong. It can never be destroyed,” he said.[48]

The coup leaders “were wrong here, they miscalculated,” Honduran activist Bertha Cáceres of the Front Against the Coup and COPINH explained. “They said it would be two days of resistance, and they were wrong. This population has demonstrated that we are capable of … a much longer struggle.”[49]

Gilberto Rios, from the Front Against the Coup, spoke of the similarities this coup has to others throughout the last century that still haunt the region: “The oligarchy made the coup with an old manual, but the people have changed and the world has changed.”[50]

Notes:

[1] Interview with Roberto Micheletti, Fox News, (September 17, 2009).http://www.foxnews.com/search-results/m/26446742/roberto-micheletti-pt-1.htm#q=micheletti
[2] Greg Grandin, “The Battle for Honduras and the Region,” The Nation, (August 12, 2009). http://www.thenation.com/doc/20090831/grandin/print
[3] Daniel Luban, “US-Honduras: State Dept Condemns ‘Coup d’Etat’, Curtails Aid,” IPS News, (September 3, 2009) http://ipsnews.net/news.asp?idnews=48323
[4] “Group Says Honduran Cops on Rape Spree Since Coup,” Latin American Herald Tribune. http://www.laht.com/article.asp?ArticleId=341851&CategoryId=23558
[5] Unidad Investigativa, “Estarían reclutando ex paramilitares para que viajen como mercenarios a Honduras,” El Tiempo. http://www.eltiempo.com/colombia/justicia/estarian-reclutando-ex-paramilitares-para-que-viajen-como-mercenarios-a-honduras_6086547-1
[6] Ginger Thompson, “President’s Ouster Highlights a Divide in Honduras,” The New York Times, (August 8, 2009). http://www.nytimes.com/2009/08/09/world/americas/09honduras.html?pagewanted=print
[7] Tom Hayden, “Zelaya Speaks,” The Nation, (September 4, 2009). http://www.thenation.com/doc/20090921/hayden_zelaya
[8] Laura Carlsen, “Coup Catalyzes Honduran Women’s Movement,” America Program, (August 20, 2009). http://americas.irc-online.org/am/6369
[9] Ginger Thompson, “President’s Ouster Highlights a Divide in Honduras,” The New York Times, (August 8, 2009). http://www.nytimes.com/2009/08/09/world/americas/09honduras.html?pagewanted=print
[10] Juan Ramón Durán, “Honduras: Vote to Go Ahead Despite Int’l Refusal to Recognise,” IPS News, (September 9, 2009). http://www.ipsnews.net/news.asp?idnews=48385
[11] Jennifer Moore, “Honduras’ Historic Two Months,” América Latina en Movimiento, (August 28, 2009). http://alainet.org/active/32686ã
[12] Dick Emanuelsson, “Military Forces Sow Terror and Fear in Honduras,” Americas Program, (August 13, 2009). http://americas.irc-online.org/am/6354
[13] Laura Carlsen, “Coup Catalyzes Honduran Women’s Movement,” America Program, (August 20, 2009). http://americas.irc-online.org/am/6369
[14] Ibid.
[15] Laura Carlsen and Sara Lovera, “Honduran Constitutional Assembly Would Be a Step Toward the Emancipation of Women,” Americas Program, (August 19, 2009). http://americas.irc-online.org/am/6392
[16] Kiraz Janicke and Federico Fuentes, “Honduras – Resistance leader: US is behind the coup,” Green Left Weekly, (September 7, 2009). http://www.greenleft.org.au/2009/809/41602
[17] Jennifer Moore, “National opposition to coup becomes a social force,” América Latina en Movimiento, (September 12, 2009). http://alainet.org/active/32978〈=en
[18] Cheryl W. Thompson and William Booth, “Obama Vows to Focus on Borders,” Washington Post, (August 11, 2009). http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2009/08/10/AR2009081001797.html
[19] Greg Grandin, “The Battle for Honduras and the Region,” The Nation, (August 12, 2009). http://www.thenation.com/doc/20090831/grandin/print
[20] Amy Oyler, “The Resurgence of US Interventionism in Latin America,” Z Communications, (August 31, 2009). http://www.zcommunications.org/znet/viewArticle/22466
[21] Ian Kelly, “Termination of Assistance and Other Measures Affecting the De Facto Regime in Honduras,” US Department of State, (September 3, 2009). http://www.state.gov/r/pa/prs/ps/2009/sept/128608.htm
[22] Tom Hayden, “Zelaya’s Coup,” The Nation, (September 3, 2009). http://www.thenation.com/doc/20090921/hayden_web
[23] Juan Ramón Durán, “Honduras: Vote to Go Ahead Despite Int’l Refusal to Recognise,” IPS News, (September 9, 2009). http://www.ipsnews.net/news.asp?idnews=48385
[24] “Honduran Resistance Boycotts Elections,” Weekly News Update on the Americas, (September 13, 2009). http://weeklynewsupdate.blogspot.com/2009/09/wnu-1004-honduran-resistance-boycotts.html
[25] “State Dept. Revokes Visa of Leader of Honduran Coup Government,” Democracy Now!, (September 14, 2009). http://www.democracynow.org/2009/9/14/headlines#7
[26] “US stops issuing visas in Honduras,” Al Jazeera, (August 26, 2009). http://english.aljazeera.net/news/americas/2009/08/200982601353122962.html
[27] Jorge Heine, “It’s time for Canada to take a strong stand on Honduras,” The Globe and Mail, (September 18, 2009). http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/opinions/its-time-for-canada-to-take-a-strong-stand-on-honduras/article1287401/
[28] “Honduran Resistance Boycotts Elections,” Weekly News Update on the Americas, (September 13, 2009). http://weeklynewsupdate.blogspot.com/2009/09/wnu-1004-honduran-resistance-boycotts.html
[29] Ibid.
[30] Mark Weisbrot, “IMF: Stop Funding Honduras,” The Guardian Unlimited, (September 3, 2009). http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/cifamerica/2009/sep/03/imf-honduras-aid-zelaya
[31] “EU threatens further sanctions on Honduras,” Reuters, (September 15, 2009). http://www.reuters.com/article/homepageCrisis/idUSLF361596._CH_.2400
[32] Amy Oyler, “The Resurgence of US Interventionism in Latin America,” Z Communications, (August 31, 2009). http://www.zcommunications.org/znet/viewArticle/22466
[33] Adam Isacson, “Another Baby Step on Honduras,” Huffington Post, (September 3, 2009). http://www.huffingtonpost.com/adam-isacson/another-baby-step-on-hond_b_276972.html
[34] Laura Carlsen, Americas MexicoBlog, “Honduran Coup Squeezed From Above and Below – But is it Enough to Restore Democracy?,” (September 10, 2009). http://americasmexico.blogspot.com/2009/09/honduran-coup-squeezed-from-above-and.html
[35] OneWorld, “US Chided for Aiding Honduras Despite Coup,” Common Dreams, (September 9, 2009). http://www.commondreams.org/print/46772
[36] “US Cuts More Aid to Honduras as Zelaya Meets Clinton in Washington,” Democracy Now!, (September 4, 2009). http://www.democracynow.org/2009/9/4/us_cuts_more_aid_to_honduras
[37] Olivia Ward, “Raising the stakes in Honduras,” The Star, (September 6, 2009). http://www.thestar.com/printArticle/691633
[38] Greg Grandin, “The Battle for Honduras and the Region,” The Nation, (August 12, 2009). http://www.thenation.com/doc/20090831/grandin/print
[39] Dick Emanuelsson, “Honduras: The Frontline in the Battle for Democracy,” Americas Program, (August 10, 2009). http://americas.irc-online.org/am/6337
[40] Ibid.
[41] Michaela D’Ambrosio, “The Honduran Coup: Was it a Matter of Behind-the-Scenes Finagling by State Department Stonewallers?,” Council on Hemispheric Affairs, (September 16, 2009). http://www.coha.org/2009/09/the-honduran-coup-was-it-a-matter-of-behind-the-scenes-finagling-by-state-department-stonewallers/
[42] Greg Grandin, “The Battle for Honduras and the Region,” The Nation, (August 12, 2009). http://www.thenation.com/doc/20090831/grandin/print
[43] Amy Oyler, “The Resurgence of US Interventionism in Latin America,” Z Communications, (August 31, 2009). http://www.zcommunications.org/znet/viewArticle/22466
[44] Mark Weisbrot, “Who’s in charge of US foreign policy?” The Guardian Unlimited, (July 16, 2009). http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/cifamerica/2009/jul/16/honduras-coup-obama-clinton/print
[45] Michaela D’Ambrosio, “The Honduran Coup: Was it a Matter of Behind-the-Scenes Finagling by State Department Stonewallers?,” Council on Hemispheric Affairs, (September 16, 2009). http://www.coha.org/2009/09/the-honduran-coup-was-it-a-matter-of-behind-the-scenes-finagling-by-state-department-stonewallers/
[46] Amy Oyler, “The Resurgence of US Interventionism in Latin America,” Z Communications, (August 31, 2009). http://www.zcommunications.org/znet/viewArticle/22466
[47] Amy Oyler, “The Resurgence of US Interventionism in Latin America,” Z Communications, (August 31, 2009). http://www.zcommunications.org/znet/viewArticle/22466
[48] Tom Hayden, “Zelaya Speaks,” The Nation, (September 4, 2009). http://www.thenation.com/doc/20090921/hayden_zelaya
[49] Laura Carlsen and Sara Lovera, “Honduran Constitutional Assembly Would Be a Step Toward the Emancipation of Women,” Americas Program, (August 19, 2009). http://americas.irc-online.org/am/6392
[50] Kiraz Janicke and Federico Fuentes, “Honduras – Resistance leader: US is behind the coup,” Green Left Weekly, (September 7, 2009). http://www.greenleft.org.au/2009/809/41602

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Benjamin Dangl is the author of the forthcoming book, “Dancing With Dynamite: Social Movements and States in Latin America,” (AK Press, 2010). He edits TowardFreedom.com, a progressive perspective on world events. Email Bendangl@gmail.com.

Policia ddisparando

See it ACá You Tube see it: http://hondurasoye.wordpress.com/2009/08/16/honduras-is-it-clockwork-orange-time-videos-of-state-repression-that-will-make-you-say-yes/

Enfrentamientos en El Estadio Muertos y Heridos

Ver Video en You Tube

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Capítulos BeTa 1 al 21- Aventuras de Aparicio Retaguardia

Agosto 11, 2009

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Entre Bolivia y el Mar sobra un País – Foto Gino Lofredo (2006)